Negara Brunei Darussalam is unique
amongst the Southeast Asian states. Aside from being the smallest country
in the region, Brunei has a novel, albeit neo-traditional form of government
that is sometimes seen as anachronistic on account of the absence of
elected representative institutions present in the other ASEAN member
countries. Despite this, Brunei has emerged as a significant player in the
region, and has attained a status well beyond its size in important
international organizations, but especially so within the ASEAN group.
Brunei Darussalam is an Islamic Sultanate ruled
by a monarch who is both the Head of State and Head of Government. The Sultan
embodies the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of
government. He both reigns and rules, with assistance from a Privy Council, on
matters concerning the royal household and customs and by a cabinet and
bureaucracy, on most other matters. Under the Sultan’s benevolent
leadership, Brunei has remained a socially, politically and economically stable
country in the region. Moreover, his popularity as a paragon of
justice buttresses the State’s ability to elicit a high degree of compliance
from its citizens, desirous of amicable resolutions of differences and
conflicts.
Most of the Sultan’s subjects
attribute the economic and social stability to the country's unique political
institutions being seen as having provided the necessary protection against the
recent economic and political upheavals that occurred in Malaysia and Indonesia
– particularly the social unrest. Thus true to its name, Darussalam:
the Abode of Peace, Brunei has remained an inordinately peaceful country
having avoided serious strife and conflicts both internally, and externally
with neighboring countries for the past forty years or so. What explains this
success? This article is an attempt to provide insights into the
harmonious development of the Bruneian society and Brunei citizenship benefits, .
Brunei Darussalam is a tiny state of
5,765 square kilometers situated in the northwest corner of Borneo and sharing
a common border with the East Malaysian State of Sarawak. The country’s
population is around 350,000. Malay Muslims comprise 67 percent of the
total population. The religious composition of the rest of the population is as
follows: Buddhists constitute 13 percent, Christians are 10
percent, and others (Hindus, Sikhs, free thinkers, and undeclared)
are 10 percent of the total population. Ethnically, Brunei’s indigenous
population comprises of seven groups namely, the Bruneis, Kedayans, Tutongs,
Dusuns, Bisayas, Belaits and Muruts (as defined under the Brunei Nationality
Enactment of 1961).
Thus despite being a multi-ethnic
country, there has been little evidence of religious or communal strife,
although muted rumblings have been heard among the more recent immigrants who
feel excluded from the benefits of the State's largesse. The
Chinese population in particular may harbor some grievances against the unequal
treatment at the hands of the state, especially as regards the naturalization
process for citizenship of Brunei. Nonetheless the Chinese community
appears to be reluctant to overturn the apple cart by politicizing their
concerns. Attempts to form a Chinese political party during the turbulent
1950's were shelved for fear of losing the economic clout the community has
traditionally enjoyed. Except for a minor skirmish between the Chinese
and the Malays, which took place in the aftermath of the Second World War, the
relations between the two communities have remained appreciably cordial.
The government on its part has been very careful in maintaining harmony
among the ethnic groups whose members remain satisfied, for the most
part, with the status quo. Gentle persuasion by the government has
also contributed to the reluctance of the Chinese community to express dissent
more openly.
Brunei is a new nation, but an old
state which attained full independence in 1984. The reigning monarch, His
Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, is the 29th ruler in an
unbroken line of succession established in the mid-14th
century. A vast kingdom in the 16th century, the
Sultanate’s hegemony was over large parts of coastal Borneo, and extended to
the Sulu islands and the Southern Philippines. However, by
the 18th and 19th centuries, due to internal squabbles
and external threats exacerbated by the arrival of Europeans in the region,
Brunei had become an impoverished state coveted by its neighbours, namely Raja
Brooke’s Sarawak and the British North Borneo Company. Although Brunei became a
British Protectorate in 1888, moves were afoot in the British Foreign Office to
obliterate it from the map of Borneo at the turn of the 19th
century. However, in the end the British intervened to safeguard Brunei’s
sovereignty by introducing a Residency system in 1906. It stipulated that
the British Resident’s advice must be accepted by the country’s ruler in all
matters, except on matters relating to religion. Brunei’s fortunes
changed for the better with the discovery of oil in 1929, thus making it one of
the largest oil producing countries of the British Commonwealth. Present
day Brunei is a long way from the appalling poverty and misery that hounded the
country prior to the second half of the 20th century.
Although contemporary Brunei is
blessed with a malleable citizenry, it does not mean that the society has not
experienced violence in resolving serious political and social conflicts.
Historically, there have been instances of strife and fighting in the
settlement of issues pertaining to royal succession. Public
dissatisfaction with governance of a rapacious ruling class had lead to
the Tutong rebellion of 1901. The last of the major disturbances in
Brunei’s public peace occurred in December 1962, when a rebellion was staged by
the military wing of Partai Rakyat Brunei, the country's sole political
party. The revolt was effectively crushed within a week by the military might
of the British, who were committed to defending the Sultan of Brunei. Various reasons for the causes for the rebellion have been given, but the
main aim of the revolt was the uprooting of British colonial influence in
the State, and defeating efforts towards the proposed merger of Brunei with the
proposed Malayan Federation.
Since December 1962, Brunei has been
governed under emergency regulations provided in the 1959 Constitution. Under
the emergency provisions, the country’s legislature remains suspended.
Presence of threats to stability and security lapses is cited as reasons
for the Government’s reluctance to lifting emergency rule, and hence have
continued to be renewed every two years. There are many who believe that
the regulations serve as a strong deterrent to internal instability resulting
from the actions entities seeking to exploit feelings of deprivation and/or
perceived inequalities. Open political disagreements with the authorities
are frowned upon in the society. Despite the fact that the state has at its
disposal a formidable array of instruments of coercion, such as the Internal
Security Act and a very effective security establishment to ensure
acquiescence, it is common knowledge that the public compliance is out of
respect for the government rather than fear of government.
As regards political activism, the
public apathy is reflected in the lack of support for political parties.
Government regulations forbid public servants from becoming members of
political parties even if the parties recognize the supremacy of the
institution of monarchy. The situation in Brunei is in contrast to that
of the now defunct Baathist Party in Iraq whose members controlled virtually
all sectors of government service and yet, they were unable to prevent the
downfall of Saddam Hussein’s regime.
Brunei’s apparent tranquility is in
large part attributable to the wealth of the State. A burgeoning oil and
gas income allows the subjects of the Brunei Sultan to enjoy a higher per
capita income (of nearly 24,000 US dollars annually, besides comprehensive
welfare benefits) than most of their Asian neighbors. In contrast to many
developing countries, most of Brunei’s challenges stem from its affluence and
not from poverty. Government servants, who form almost 70% of the working
population, and state-supported students tend to shun social leadership
resulting in the absence of any overt criticism of the ruling class; hence, the
absence of conspicuous militant student activities especially at tertiary level
including the only university in the country. Voluntary and
non-government organizations are strictly monitored by the government.
Even on such benign issues as human rights, little discussions take place
in Brunei unless they are within the terms set by the government in mass media
including Television ‘Forums ‘.
Active promotion of a national
ideology, known as the MIB (Melayu Islam Beraja or Malay Islamic
Monarchy), by the State in Brunei has helped in no small measure to bring about
conformity in the thinking of the Sultan’s subjects. By invoking age-old
traditions of respect for one’s parents, the State, religion, and the Monarch
--- which have been incorporated as a mandatory component of the school and
university curriculum --- Bruneians are being imbued with Calak Brunei
or Cara Brunei , that is roughly speaking, the ‘Bruneian way’ of
conflict resolution through dialogue and compromise. Consequently, at best open
conflicts are avoided, and at worse one observes a penchant for Surat Layang
(‘flying letters’) among Bruneians as an avenue for airing their grievances or
the injustices of authorities, a fellow citizen or a state agency.
For instance, in response to recent exchanges on the Internet maligning
high level Brunei public servants and ministers, a permanent secretary at the
Prime Minister’s department reminded the public that participating in such
activities was deemed unpatriotic for Bruneians. It must be added that Cara
Brunei also stands in the way of legal action being brought against offending
parties. For instance, in the aftermath of the abortive 1962 rebellion
which resulted in the loss of lives, hardly anyone was brought before courts to
answer their actions. In the recent Amedeo fiasco, court cases were
instituted not so much to punish the perpetrators of the financial scandal,
which depleted the government treasury by several billions of dollars, but to
recover any remaining assets. The Amedeo Corporation, now defunct, was
headed by the country’s finance minister, who is the youngest brother of the
Sultan.
In a State where the news media is
under constant vigilance, globalization has begun to erode some of the
inherited values of compliance especially among the younger generations, faced
with diminishing prospects of employment, and a gradual erosion of the once
generous welfare system. Mass media, especially access to the Internet
has caused a loosening of state control of information, and has resulted
raising the expectations of the younger generations, thus demanding more and
better facilities, more accountability, and the right to voice their concerns.
Brunei-specific chat rooms on the Internet, such as Brunei talk.com
and Bruclass.com, allow dissenters, albeit anonymously, to discuss
serious government issues and lapses which otherwise would not have been
discussed openly. Interestingly, the state has permitted such Internet
exchanges, though there have been expressions of displeasure regarding
character assassinations of leading Brunei personalities. There are indications
that the Brunei establishment is slowly coming around to accommodate
expressions of political and social discontent. Moreover, it is
understood, that there are preparation underfoot to introduce a new revised
Constitution incorporating certain freedoms of elections and
representations.
Recourse to the ‘Bruneian way’ as an
accepted means of resolving conflicts ought not be seen as a substitute to
improving opportunities for the younger generations to participate actively and
effectively in State affairs through education, employment, promotions on
meritocracy and continuous welfare facilities to shield the aggrieved from
latent economic downturn in times of global turmoil. Also it is hard to
predict the outcome of liberalization of politics, society, and economy as
envisaged to a level far higher than what is enjoyed at present in the
micro-State of Brunei. One should wait and see if the natural forces of
conflict would emerge among an otherwise docile population. Meanwhile Brunei’s
opulence should underwrite the stability of the State for sometime to come.
As a modern day Brunei watcher comments on the strength of Brunei economy
as a counterbalance to social upheavals-- “if its economy remains intact, the
mould of Brunei’s recent past may well define its future.”
by :
B. A. Hussainmiya, Associate Professor in History,Universiti Brunei Darussalam
B. A. Hussainmiya is an Associate
Professor in History at the Universiti Brunei Darussalam. His research
interests include the History of Brunei; the History of South Asia; Malay
Manuscripts Studies; Classical Malay Literature; Malay Diaspora; and
Comparative Education in South and Southeast Asia. Professor Hussainmiya
is a fluent speaker of English, Tamil, Singhalese and Malay and also reads
Arabic and Dutch.
source :
https://www.bsp.com.bn/panagaclub/pnhs_old/history/BRUNEI%20DARUSSALAM.htm
https://www.bsp.com.bn/panagaclub/pnhs_old/history/BRUNEI%20DARUSSALAM.htm
Negara Brunei Darussalam : A Nation At Peace
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